Welcome to www.comprofessor.com a.k.a. Lynch Coaching: Media and Communication Prof's News and Views from Art Lynch. This blog exists to stimulate critical thinking, provide information on communication and media, stimulate discussion and share ideas. For additional media and other news see also sagactoronline.com. Thank you and tell your friends. - Art Lynch
This dissertation used a phenomenological approach in
investigating the development of a grass roots community history based
educational outreach and chronicled its development from inception to
incorporation into the mission of an established institution. The theoretical
basis for the study was Deweyian principles of student centered, experiential
learning while supporting a collaborative partnership between school and
community, and education’s role in civic engagement and democracy. These ideas were explored through the lens of
a three-legged stool: Public Policy and Purpose, Community Interaction and
Identity and Pedagogical Issues. An important characteristic found in
successful community programs, no matter the cultural or socioeconomic status
of the community, is that they should make use of community members talents and
skills, reflect the values of that community in a meaningful way, and come from
the community itself, and also make an effort to offer positive improvement,
growth, and change. The themes found during the observation of the program
might serve as a useful template for other programs, including civic engagement
(both organizational, macro level and individual, micro level), meaning (to
learners, teachers, and volunteers), experience (experiential learning,
experience of participants) hands-on learning, sharing of memories and
experience, community relationships), and a sense of identity (in the passing
down of memory, teaching of history, and with the individual learning
activities of students, as learning is closely connected with identity. These
themes provide the fundamentals for how we learn, and participate and grow in
our individual and community life.
Google says it is "deeply concerned" about reports that the Motion
Picture Association of America and six studios led a secret campaign to
attack the search giant in its fight against online piracy.
In an open letter posted to Google's public policy blog, general counsel Kent Walker
wrote that he has "serious legal" concerns about the campaign,
code-named "Project Goliath," in which he says the MPAA "conspired to
achieve SOPA's goals through non-legislative means."
An MPAA spokeswoman responded late Thursday, calling Google “shameful” for positioning itself as a defender of free speech. The movie studios have long considered Google the antagonist in their
fight to remove pirated content from the Internet.
They attempted to
combat copyright infringement with SOPA, the Stop Online Piracy Act, but
the legislation was ultimately postponed in 2012 after protests from
companies like Google.
Even so, emails revealed through the Sony hack, reported on by The Vergeand The New York Times,
have shown that lawyers from MPAA and the studios — Sony, Universal,
Fox, Paramount, Warner Bros. and Disney — were looking for
nonlegislative ways to revive the site-blocking measures that SOPA would
have put into place. Their main target in the campaign was Google,
which was referred to the the emails by the name "Goliath."
"One disappointing part of this story is what this all means for
the MPAA itself, an organization founded in part 'to promote and defend
the First Amendment and artists' right to free expression,' " wrote
Walker. "Why, then, is it trying to secretly censor the Internet?"
Google also points to reports that after the MPAA pitched Mississippi State Attorney General Jim Hood, a SOPA supporter, he sent a 79-page subpoena to Google. Although not cited in Walker's post, the Times also reported that the MPAA and the studios contributed to the campaigns of politicians, including Nebraska Attorney General Jon Bruning.
The MPAA's response called Google a facilitator of "illegal conduct"
and said it would seek help from all government agencies to "protect the
rights of all involved in creative activities." Here is the MPAA's full statement.
"Google's effort to position itself as a defender of free speech is
shameful. Freedom of speech should never be used as a shield for
unlawful activities and the internet is not a license to steal.
blog post today is a transparent attempt to deflect focus from its own
conduct and to shift attention from legitimate and important ongoing
investigations by state attorneys general into the role of Google Search
in enabling and facilitating illegal conduct — including illicit drug
purchases, human trafficking and fraudulent documents as well as theft
of intellectual property. We will seek the assistance of any and all
government agencies, whether federal, state or local, to protect the
rights of all involved in creative activities."
The popular, classic Laurel and Hardy holiday musicals, "Babes in
Toyland," aka "March of the Wooden Soldiers," opened on this date 80
years ago. Is it one of your favorite Laurel and Hardy movies? Photo
courtesy of the America Cinematheque.
You have to admit that the Republican Party is organized, methodical and persistent – especially if you’re a Democrat, because your party is pretty much the opposite.
Slowly but surely, across the country, Republican governors and state legislatures are making progress in their war against labor unions, especially ones that represent public employees. Just yesterday, there was bad news from two states.
In Indiana, Gov. Mitch Daniels signed a bill making Indiana another “right to work” state, which is one of those slogans, like “pro-life” and “family values,” that sounds unobjectionable, but isn’t. That law is relatively simple: It prohibits labor contracts from requiring workers to pay union dues. The spin is that this is better for everyone. The truth is that it is not only bad for labor but also bad for the economy.
Unions will reduce a company’s profits somewhat, because they get higher wages for workers. But economists have found that unionization has a minimal impact on growth and employment. Six of the 10 states with the highest unemployment have right-to-work laws in place. North Carolina, which has the lowest unionization rate in the country, 1.8 percent, also has the sixth highest unemployment, 10 percent.
In 2010, wages of workers in unionized manufacturing companies in Indiana were 16 percent higher than in non-union plants. One Harvard study, published this summer in American Sociological Review, concluded that the decline in unionization since the 1970s is responsible for one-fifth of the increase in hourly wage inequality among women, and one-third among men.
The other bit of news on Wednesday came from Arizona, where Republican lawmakers are pushing a bill that would ban collective bargaining for public-sector employees.
They are mimicking a similar – and I think ultimately unconstitutional – law in Wisconsin, which pioneered the idea of singling out the people who work for their government and denying them the right to collective bargaining.
There has been a backlash. Opponents of the bill in Wisconsin have managed to recall two state senators who worked on it, and they have their sights on Gov. Scott Walker. Last November, Ohio voters overturned a bill that would have stripped most public employees of their right to collective bargaining.
The Republicans are not just waging an anti-union campaign, but an anti-government campaign as well. Right-wingers believe government is the cause of all things bad in the economy and in society, and are willing to sacrifice those who toil in the public interest in their effort to hobble it.
Proponents of the anti-union laws have told me it’s reprehensible for public employees to negotiate over wages, benefits and working conditions when their employer is the government to which we all pay taxes. When I ask, how is that different from negotiating with any employer, the answer I generally get is “it just is.”
Unions have over-reached in many ways, clinging to wage-and-benefits agreements that are simply untenable in today’s economy. But they are fundamental to maintaining fairness for workers. And governors in many states, including New York, have managed to get concessions from public employee unions without outlawing them.
But his latest project aims to bring a different kind of story to the stage, one with personal and historical resonance. The actor was born in Los Angeles to a Japanese-American family just a few years before Japan's bombing of Pearl Harbor. After that 1941 attack, he and his family were among the tens of thousands of U.S. citizens of Japanese descent who were forced to move to internment camps.
Now, Takei's childhood experience living in camps in Arkansas and California has inspired a new musical called Allegiance. Previews of the show are set to begin Sept. 7 at The Old Globe Theatre in San Diego.
Takei plays two characters in the show: Ojii-San, the grandfather of a family in an internment camp, and Sam Kimura, a 77-year-old former internee whose story is told from the present day. Takei joined NPR's Scott Simon to discuss his experience of internment and the importance of remembering the darker chapters of American history.
On his own family's story of internment
"We were first taken from our home ... in Los Angeles to a horse stable at a race track, San Anita Race Track, near Los Angeles. And we were there for a few months while the camps were being built. And from there we were taken to the swamps of southeastern Arkansas. So, all the Japanese-Americans that were incarcerated followed that pattern: first, what's called an 'assembly center,' a very innocuous-sounding name, and from there to a 'relocation center,' another innocuous word."
George Takei (left) stands with his mother and siblings during their internment at Camp Tule Lake in California. The inset image at top right shows Takei as a kindergartener at Camp Rohwer in Arkansas.
On Sam Kimura and why he's described in the script as being "made of granite" with "so much buried inside"
"He is one of the thousands of young men who went from barbed-wire incarceration to [putting] on the same uniform as that of the sentries that guarded over us, and served in the military. He was sent over to the battlefields of Europe with an all Japanese-American, segregated unit, the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, and faced the hell of war, the horrors of war. And the 442nd Regimental Combat Team returned from those bloody battlefields as the single most decorated unit of the entire war. And the character I play is 'hard as granite' because he went through that hell and came back."
On what drove Japanese-Americans to enlist when their families were in internment camps
"I was invited to the White House when members of the 442nd were finally given the Medal of Honor, the highest military recognition that the nation can grant. And after the ceremony, I asked one of them, 'How were you able to do what you did when this government treated you and your family so shabbily?' And he said, 'Well, George, when I was a kid, I began the school day every morning with the Pledge of Allegiance to the flag, and I meant every word of it. But this government didn't think that I was American enough and so, by gum, I went out there to show them what kind of American I am.
"But there [was] another group of people who I admire equally. They're the ones that said, 'Yes, I'm an American and I will fight for this country, but I won't go as an internee from behind these barbed wire fences, leaving my family in imprisonment. I will go only on the condition that I go as an American; that I can report to my hometown draft board with my family in our home, and then I will serve.' And for that courageous and principled stand, they were tried and found guilty of draft evasion and put into federal penitentiaries. And that is the drama of this musical."
Takei rehearses a scene in which his character, Ojii-San, tries to cheer his granddaughter up by making her an origami flower out of a loyalty questionnaire.
On the significance of the piece of paper that Ojii-San folds into an origami flower for his granddaughter
"It was the sheet of paper that was to ascertain the loyalty of people that the government had imprisoned on the suspicion — merely the suspicion, not the guilt — of being potential spies, fifth columnists, traitors. Everyone over the age of 17 had to respond to it whether you were male or female, citizen or noncitizen. ... Question 27 asked 'Will you bear arms to defend the United States of America?' — this being asked of an 87-year-old immigrant lady as well as a 17-year-old young man. Even more insidious was the next question, Question 28. It asked, and I'm paraphrasing, but essentially it said, 'Will you swear your loyalty to the United States of America and foreswear your loyalty to the emperor of Japan?' The government assumed that if you're born with this face — even if you're an American, never been to Japan — that we are born with an organic, inborn loyalty to the emperor. It was offensive and the amazing thing was that so many young people answered yes to those two offensive questions and went and served."
On why his family stayed on the West Coast after they got out of the camps
"We were from Los Angeles. We came back to Los Angeles because my parents didn't want to go to another unknown place that might be even more hostile in a different way. But indeed it was a different Los Angeles we came home to. Housing was next to impossible. Our first home was on Skid Row in downtown Los Angeles. And to us kids — I was the oldest, I was 8 years old when we came back — it was terrifying. All those scary, smelly, ugly [people] leaning on the walls or staggering around or falling right down in front of us on the sidewalk; the stench of urine on the street in the hallways everywhere. It was horrific. In fact, my baby sister said, 'Mama, let's go back home,' because we had adjusted to the routine of incarceration and it was home."
"I see Allegiance as my legacy project. The story is very important to me and it's been my mission in life to raise Americans' awareness of that shameful chapter of American history. I think we learn more from those times in our history where we stumbled as a democracy than we learn from the glorious chapters. We have the history of slavery or inequality to women, and now the civil rights movement of the 21st century is the struggle for equality for the gays, lesbians, bisexuals and transgender people. And I think it's important for Americans to know about the times that we failed, and Allegiance tells that story."